How we think about, regulate, moralise or criminalise drugs is often not a response to domestic considerations, but a negotiation with global forces in an uneven international environment. Drug control in Lebanon is no exception to this rule. Its policies, since their inception, are the result of colonial and neo-colonial impositions and local resistance to these international impositions.

The colonial roots of drug policies are clear in Lebanon. The first drug control imperatives were introduced under the French mandate in the 1920s. In fact, the 1922 

 of the League of Nations that put Lebanon and Syria under French rule specifically mentions in article 12 that France will adhere, on behalf of the countries under its mandate, to conventions related to “drug trafficking” among other things.

The imposition of prohibitionist policies had to contend with the reality that 

 of Lebanon’s economy was reliant on cannabis. As a result of the decline of the silk industry in the early 20th century, many farmers resorted to cannabis cultivation, which had been part of the Lebanese agricultural landscape for centuries. French authorities were 

 by local politicians for prohibiting cannabis cultivation, which was a source of income for the villagers. Lacking power in the rural areas, and unwilling to alienate powerful landowners whose support they relied on, the French authorities resorted to a “

” implementation of drug policies, aimed at satisfying international requirements without ostracising domestic political forces.

The intersection of colonial impositions with local negotiations, resulting in performative drug control policies, would become the 

After its independence, Lebanon continued the French charade. After declaring that it would take drastic measures to curb hashish production during WWII, members of the British Security Mission who assisted Lebanese authorities 

 that they had to apply “considerable direct pressure . . . on a reluctant Gendarmerie” to get any action done.

The colonial legacy of drug control in Lebanon

This report is based on information provided to the EMCDDA by the EU Member States, the candidate country Türkiye, and Norway, in an annual reporting process.

The purpose of the current report is to provide an overview and summary of the European drug situation up to the end of 2023. All grouping, aggregates and labels therefore reflect the situation based on the available data in 2023 in respect to the composition of the European Union and the countries participating in EMCDDA reporting exercises. However, not all data will cover the full period. Due to the time needed to compile and submit data, many of the annual national data sets included here are from the reference year January to December 2022. Analysis of trends is based only on those countries providing sufficient data to describe changes over the period specified. The reader should also be aware that monitoring patterns and trends in a hidden and stigmatised behaviour such as drug use is both practically and methodologically challenging. For this reason, multiple sources of data are used for the purposes of analysis in this report. Although considerable improvements can be noted, both nationally and in respect to what is possible to achieve in a European-level analysis, the methodological difficulties in this area must be acknowledged. Caution is therefore required in interpretation, in particular when countries are compared on any single measure. Caveats relating to the data are to be found in the online Statistical Bulletin 2024, which contains detailed information on methodology, qualifications on analysis and comments on the limitations in the information set available. Information is also available there on the methods and data used for European-level estimates, where interpolation may be used.

European Drug Report 2024: Trends and developments

MANILA - Philippine President Ferdinand Marcos Jr said on April 15 he would not hand his predecessor Rodrigo Duterte to the International Criminal Court (ICC), which is investigating his deadly drug war.

Thousands of people have been killed in an anti-narcotics campaign started by former president Duterte in 2016 and continued under Mr Marcos.

Asked on April 15 if he would hand Mr Duterte – who has accused him of being a drug addict and criticised his policies – to the ICC if it issued a warrant for his arrest, Mr Marcos said no.

“We don’t recognise the warrant that they will send to us. That’s a no,” he said at a forum with the Foreign Correspondents Association of the Philippines.

“We are well within international law when we take the position of not recognising the jurisdiction of the ICC in the Philippines,” Mr Marcos said.

Mr Duterte withdrew the Philippines from the ICC in 2019 after the Hague-based tribunal started probing allegations of human rights abuses committed during his drug war.

The ICC launched a formal inquiry into Mr Duterte’s crackdown in September 2021, only to suspend it two months later after Manila said it was re-examining several hundred cases of drug operations that led to deaths at the hands of police, hitmen and vigilantes.

Philippines: Marcos says he will not hand Duterte to ICC over drug war

 of settler colonialism by Canada, while their prohibition and attached criminalization have been used to 

Collective prohibitionist policies are key to the interlocking social relations of colonial control and capitalism under Canada. The carceral apparatus, which includes courts, prisons and provincial-level 

 systems, is largely powered by drug war-related charges, either through direct drug-related events, or the indirect violence generated by an unregulated drug market.

, Canada is overseeing a crisis of mass death due to the unregulated drug market now producing a contaminated and unpredictable supply in response to a century of shifting forms of 

 by drug opioid and stimulant drug poisonings between January 2016 and September 2023 in Canada (and 

 people died in the province of British Columbia alone from April 2016 to January 2024).

In Palestine, restrictions on substances have been employed as a tool of war by the settler state of Israel.


Undoing colonial carcerality everywhere: Palestine & the global drug war

The 55th Human Rights Council took place between 26 February and 4 April 2024. This briefing highlights the key debates, decisions and documents that discuss drug control and its impact on human rights.

 of the High Commissioner’s annual report on the situation of human rights in Colombia, Guatemala and Honduras, the High Commissioner, Volker Türk, welcomed the adoption of Colombia’s key policies as part of its post-conflict peacebuilding process, which includes a new drug policy which integrates the International Guidelines on Human Rights and Drug Policy (

Despite the Sri Lankan government’s Operation ‘Yukthiya’, an ongoing anti-drug operation which has led to over 40,000 arbitrary arrests and detention in overcrowded prisons and compulsory drug treatment centres, drug control was not addressed by the High Commissioner during his oral 

ID with the Special Rapporteur on torture

The Special Rapporteur on torture and other cruel, inhuman, or degrading treatment or punishment, Alice Jill Edwards, 

 her two reports. In the first report regarding current issues and good practices in prison management globally (

), she addressed the link between poverty and prisons – with prison populations being largely composed of members of economically disadvantaged and marginalised communities, including people convicted for “low-level” drug or related offences. Additionally, the Special Rapporteur addressed the high risk of spread of contagious diseases in closed settings and called on all Stakeholders to include prisons in national pandemic planning as well as in the Pandemic Treaty currently negotiated at WHO...

ID with the Special Rapporteur on Iran and the death penalty

), The Special Rapporteur on the situation of human rights in the Islamic Republic of Iran, Javaid Rehman, expressed concerns at the recent spike in death sentences and executions. As he noted on his report, 2023 saw a 43% increase in executions compared to 2022, with over 56% of the executions carried out in 2023 being for drug-related charges. This is in line with HRI’s findings reported in 

The Death Penalty for Drug Offences: Global Overview 2023

. The Rapporteur also paused on the disproportionate imposition of capital punishment against ethnic and religious minorities, especially for drug or security-related crimes. He also recalled on some positive steps, particularly the 2017 amendment of the drug trafficking law which until 2020 had led to a significant decline in drug-related executions. Accordingly, in his report the Rapporteur recommended that pending total abolition Iran imposes an immediate moratorium on drug-related executions and abolishes the death penalty for offences that do not amount to “the most serious crimes” threshold...

55th Human Rights Council: Drug policy highlights

Monday April 15, 9:00pm ET | Tuesday April 16, 9:00am PHT

As Mayor of Davao City and then President of the Philippines, Rodrigo Duterte orchestrated a campaign of widespread extrajudicial killings in the Philippine drug war. Now the subject of an investigation by the International Criminal Court, the Duterte drug war according to the government has claimed more than 6,000 lives, while NGOs believe the true number is upwards of 30,000. Since late during the Duterte presidency and continuing under President Ferdinand Marcos Jr., drug war killings reported by media outlets in the Philippines have continued at a rate of about one per day.

Adding to the the suffering of victims/survivors, burial plots rented by the government have expiration dates, leading to cremations when families can't pay or sometimes without their knowledge. In addition to the indignity, this is also a potential evidentiary issue for the ICC. The AJ Kalinga Foundation's Program Paghilom helps families make arrangements for their loved ones' remains, with ritual to provide closure, and conducts forensic examinations, as part of a support framework that includes education, legal support and other basic needs.

International Center for Multigenerational Legacies of Trauma

, Founder and Executive Director, Rock Ed Philippines and head of its 

Fr. Flaviano Villanueva SVD is a leading human rights advocate in the Philippines. He will discuss the work of Program Paghilom, including its efforts to document and memorialize extrajudicial killings in the Duterte drug war while helping victims/survivors move forward with their lives.

Dr. Yael Danieli, a clinical psychologist, psychohistorian, victimologist and traumatologist, will discuss the challenges faced by victims/survivors of atrocities, the role of victims in relation to cases at the International Criminal Court, and the concept of reparative justice in international law. She will also discuss the impact that trauma from mass atrocities has on future generations, a phenomenon recognized by the ICC for the first time in the Uganda Dominic Ongwen prosecution.

Gang Badoy Capati is the founder of Rock Ed Philippines and Project: Steady Asia, and is a trauma therapist and trained media literacy instructor with a background in media, documentary filmmaking, education and publishing. She will discuss victims' trauma in the context of events and conditions in The Philippines.

Victims move forward from the Philippine drug war

New research into service users’ experiences of drug treatment services in the NEIC Dublin was launched in the Irish Human Rights and Equality Commission by ICON, SURIA and CAN.

Applying a public sector equality and human rights duty approach to the human rights and equality issues identified by Service Users of Drug Treatment services in the North East Inner City (NEIC)

 details the process and findings of a collaborative peer led research programme.

77% of service users are aged between 36-55

56% of service users are in treatment over 16 years

87% have never been offered an alternative to methadone

88% feel they have been treated differently due to being in treatment and/or addiction

88% have never been asked their opinion on services

48% are still required to give weekly urinalysis

‘It’s like I am chained to my clinic’

‘I can’t get a job because I have to go to the clinic every day except Christmas when its closed.

The moment people know, they come undermining and dismissive of my view.

‘..that we wouldn’t be left on methadone for our lives’

Working directly with service users to identify their human rights and equality issues and monitor progress over time has facilitated their voice to be heard and validated. In doing so, it recognises the value the unique knowledge and experience of lived experience and the power it has to bring perspective and expertise to the design and delivery of services that are both appropriate and based on respect and rights.’

36% of those we surveyed were homeless, creating an additional burden on service users as they have to navigate both the addiction and homeless services. If other treatments such as Buivdal were an automatic option, people would have more flexibility to work on personal growth, particularly for women. It could enable them to access education, work, housing without having to be so open to potential employers. It would prevent attending clinics from being a part of daily life as for many, that’s there the triggers are.’

this research allowed us to facilitate service users to communicate their lived experiences and to have a say in the decisions that affect their lives from a rights based perspective. The onus is now on the HSE and public bodies to address the experiences of the service users and promote positive actions to fulfil their responsibilities and act on non-compliance of the Public Sector Duty.’

1pm – 5pm, Irish Human Rights and Equality Commission,

‘Trapped in Treatment’ – Applying a public sector equality and human rights duty approach to the human rights and equality issues identified by Service Users of Drug Treatment services in the North East Inner City (NEIC)

The 16th annual report on the death penalty by Iran Human Rights and ECPM (Together Against the Death Penalty) provides an assessment and analysis of the death penalty trends in the Islamic Republic of Iran in 2023. It sets out the number of executions, the trend compared to previous years, the legislative framework and procedures, charges, geographic distribution, and a monthly breakdown of executions. Lists of the female and juvenile offenders executed in 2023 are also included in the tables.

The report also looks into the abolitionist movement within Iran, including the forgiveness movement and its contribution to reducing the use of the death penalty. It provides analysis on how the international community can contribute to limiting the scope of the death penalty in Iran.

The 2023 report is the result of hard work from Iran Human Rights members and supporters who took part in reporting, documenting, collecting, analysing, and writing its contents. Special gratitude is extended to Iran Human Rights sources inside Iran who incur significant risk by reporting on unannounced and secret executions in prisons of 30 different provinces. Due to the very difficult context, lack of transparency, and the obvious risks and limitations that human rights defenders face in the Islamic Republic of Iran, this report does not give a complete picture of the use of the death penalty in Iran. There are 46 reported executions which are not included in this report due to a lack of sufficient details or an inability to confirm cases through two different sources. However, it aims to provide the most complete and realistic figures possible in the present circumstances. The current report does not include suspicious deaths in custody, death row prisoners who died in prison before the executions, or those killed under torture.

ECPM supports the elaboration, editing process, publishing, and distribution of this report in the framework of its international advocacy work against the death penalty. The problems of transparency on the data and information about the death penalty in Iran should be overcome by a strong strategy of distribution and dissemination. The overall objectives of this report for Iran Human Rights and ECPM are to call attention to and publicise the facts, in order to change national and international views on the situation of the death penalty in Iran, the first executioner country in the world.

Death penalty in Iran: an appalling number of executions in 2023

This paper traces the roots of the barriers faced by womxn who use drugs to the international drug control system and subsequent national drug policies. It outlines international standards on public health and human rights that provide guidance on the reforms governments must urgently pursue. To elaborate on the needed reforms, the paper also presents country-specific recommendations from civil society organizations to governments in Southeast Asia.

Breaking Barriers and Building Bridges: Navigating justice for womxn who use drugs in Southeast Asia

Decades of harsh laws that punish and stigmatize people who use drugs and others involved in the drug trade have led to 

mass incarceration, disease, suffering and violence.

 Criminalizing drugs does not decrease their use or supply. Instead, it drives the trade underground, increases the harms of using drugs and fuels organized crime, corruption and violence. 

The prohibition of drugs directly impacts our 

 People who use drugs are denied access to medical treatment or are deterred from seeking medical assistance for fear of being reported to the authorities. This increases the risk of overdose and other threats to their life and health. 

Drug policies designed to punish people exacerbate the risks and harms associated with drug use. These policies can lead to increased 

 They also obstruct access to drugs for medical purposes, including for pain relief and palliative care, resulting in further harm and 

The term “war on drugs” was first used in 1971 by US President Richard Nixon with his aggressive and discriminatory campaign to enforce drug prohibition. Since then, it has been used by many governments around the world to launch crackdowns on people who use drugs and reduce the trafficking of drugs. These campaigns rely on harsh punishments to deter people from using or selling drugs.

From mass killings in the Philippines and the application of the death penalty for drug offences in Malaysia, to mass incarceration in the USA and torture in Mexico, the “war on drugs” has been a driver of widespread human rights abuses.

There is growing evidence from every region in the world that the “war on drugs” fails to decrease the use and availability of drugs. Instead, it undermines the rights of millions of people, exacerbates the harms of using drugs, and intensifies the violence associated with illicit markets.

It disproportionately affects the poorest and most marginalized communities, who carry the burden of this failed strategy. It traps entire communities in cycles of incarceration, violence and poverty.

Amnesty International's portal on drug policy reform

A coalition of stakeholders led by a number of TDs and Senators have called for part of the Misuse of Drugs Act to be repealed.

Section 3 of the Misuse of Drugs Act 1977 criminalises people for the possession of drugs for personal use.

Yesterday, the Government announced that it would establish a Joint Oireachtas Committee to consider the Report of the Citizens' Assembly on Drugs Use and respond to its recommendations.

Following months of hearings last year, the assembly voted for a health-led approach to the use of drugs in Ireland.

At a presentation this morning, a group led by Independent Senator Lynn Ruane, Deputy Neasa Hourigan of the Green Party and Labour TD Aodhán Ó Ríordáin said Section 3 of the act should be repealed as a first step.

At this morning's presentation, coordinator of the Citywide Drugs Crisis Campaign Anna Quigley stressed the importance of ending "the current moral judgement of drug use as 'bad' and something for which people need to be punished".

She said repealing the particular section of the act would ensure "effective implementation" of the other recommendations.

It was argued that recommendations regarding health services could not be implemented effectively without repeal.

Ireland: Call for part of Misuse of Drugs Act to be repealed

This issue of Caribbean Quarterly interrogates the Caribbean cannabis landscape from a range of perspectives, addressing issues such as the socio-cultural significance of the plant and its uses, regulatory challenges and opportunities, reparatory measures for Rastafarian communities and enduring limitations in research.

From Hand Measures to Gram Weights, Ganja Becomes More Precise

Distorted Directions in Cannabis in the Commonwealth Caribbean - Did We Exhale?

The Methodology of Initiation Fifteen Years Later

Creating Cannabis Identity through Cannabis Use

The Contribution of Traditional Farmers to Cannabis Reform in St Vincent and the Grenadines

Lessons in Developing a Formal Cannabis Sector and Culture in the Caribbean

The Art of Cannabis Advocacy in Reggae Music

Ganjapreneurship, Hypocrisy and the Jamaican Nation State

Towards Purpose-driven and Responsive Laws to Regulate Jamaica's Cannabis Industry

A Cultural Beacon Pioneering Jamaica's Cannabis Events' Space

And a number of poems and book reviews are available 

Violence, policing & punishment