While men are more likely to be targeted by drug law enforcement, many of the drug war’s victims are women. Largely as a result of draconian drug laws, women are one of the fast growing segments of the U.S. prison population. Most women behind bars are mothers, many of them sole caregivers. Women, and particularly women of color, are disproportionately affected by drug law enforcement, by social stigma, by laws that punish those unable or unwilling to inform on others, by regulations that bar people with a drug conviction from obtaining public assistance, and by a drug treatment system designed for men. Incarcerated women also have lower incomes than their male counterparts, making it more difficult for them to be able to afford cash bail, phone calls from prison, and ancillary services (such as babysitters) which they might require to meet all of their probation requirements.

Women are one of the fastest-growing segments of the prison population. Between 1978 and 2014, the number of women in state and federal prisons grew by nearly 800 percent. The U.S. accounts for 5 percent of the world’s female population but it represents almost 30 percent of the world’s incarcerated women. Globally, the 25 jurisdictions that have the highest rates of women incarcerated are all U.S. states.

More than a quarter of women in state prison were incarcerated for drug offenses at the end of 2015, compared to 15 percent of men. More than 61 percent of women in federal prison are incarcerated for drug offenses, compared to approximately 50 percent of men. Currently, there are 8,500 women in federal prisons on drug charges, 24,700 in state prisons and 27,000 in local jails. Of the 27,000 women in local jails on drug charges, a staggering 63 percent have not been convicted.

United states: Women, prison, and the drug war 

In regards to current drug trends, particularly methamphetamine (both in crystal and pill form) has become increasingly accessible and affordable throughout Asia, reflecting the trend of rising use of amphetamine-type stimulants (ATS) in the region.

Governments in the SEA region have implemented different kinds of national drug policy reform, including diversion programmes (Indonesia and Cambodia), harm reduction measures (Malaysia and Myanmar), and steps towards decriminalisation of cannabis cultivation and use for medical and scientific purposes (Thailand).

The scale of illicit cultivation of crops continues to be largely influenced by various socioeconomic and political factors such as poverty, conflict, and weak institutions, both in Myanmar and Afghanistan. In areas affected by conflict, households often grow opium poppy as a means of survival in an environment where markets are not accessible.

Lessons can be learned, for instance, from experiences in Thailand or Colombia. The Thai experience demonstrates the importance of integrated rural development as a foundation of AD measures, addressing short-term needs as well as long-term sustainability. This includes community planning, inclusive value-chain development and sustainable land management, among other aspects. Experiences regarding coca cultivation areas and the recent peace agreement in Colombia confirm that multi-stakeholder dialogue is important for being able to access local communities and building trust.

The 9th Asian informal drug policy dialogue

Regulating and legalising cannabis is an idea whose time has come

The so-called ‘war on drugs’ was always built on shaky foundations. Now countries and jurisdictions around the world are dismantling it piece by piece and starting to build a new drug policy architecture that ushers in a new era of health-based policy making fit for the 21st century.

Nowhere are the foundations of this new approach to drugs more obvious than in the global movement towards regulated, legalised cannabis markets. And despite the US being the ostensible leader of the ‘war on drugs’, it has been US states at the forefront of this move. Since Colorado and Washington states legalised cannabis for non-medical use in 2012, and Uruguay became the first country do so in 2013, seven more US states and the District of Columbia have followed in their footsteps.2 The results so far, particularly from the US, are generally positive: confounding critics whilst bringing in additional tax income to fund public services. And this is just the start: in the summer of 2018 Canada will become the first G7 country to legalise cannabis.

Regulating and legalising cannabis is an idea whose time has come. The UK public supports it too: in recent polls 47% of people support selling cannabis in licensed shops. Regulation also has the support of a range of groups from across the political spectrum.

It is time to accept that prohibition is not only ineffective and expensive,but that regulation could – if it is done well – protect vulnerable groups and promote public health. It would also generate both taxes (at least £1 billion annually, but potentially more) and savings, which taken together would mean more resources for health, harm reduction and other public services. It is time for the UK government to catch up with the global shift and take the responsible approach by bringing in a regulated, legal market for cannabis.

Cannabis: Regulate it. Tax it. Support the NHS. Promote public health.

Thank you for your help in the birth of the Eurasian Harm Reduction Association! 2017 has become almost revolutionary for harm reduction activists in the Central and Eastern Europe and Central Asia (CEECA) region.

Within the association of activists, there has been a challenging process of renovation, the building of a democratic organization with clear processes, and opportunities for activists from all countries of the region to influence the organization’s strategy, policies and activities. It has been possible not only to build a transparent decision-making process, but also to develop an ambitious strategy for our organization through the harmonious and well-coordinated work of the EHRA Steering Committee alongside members and EHRA’s Secretariat. A clear-sighted vision of what is required for sustainable harm reduction programs, and for decent lives of people who use drugs, has helped EHRA to gain strong support from global and regional communities, allies and partner organizations that has encouraged us to build from scratch a solid management system for the organization. From the very beginning of its active operation in 2017, EHRA has already started to implement 9 advocacy projects and has been supporting community groups of people who use drugs in countries of our region; EHRA has also maintained its leadership in regional advocacy to ensure sustainability and efficiency of harm reduction services and for drug policy reform to shift towards being based on public health and human rights.

Now it’s time to mobilize all resources. Drug policy in countries has not improved, but rather has worsened. In most cases, governments are more likely to pay for policemen and prisons than provide social and medical assistance to people who use drugs. In all countries of the region, it has become obvious that we need to change the approach to harm reduction services because the drug scene is changing and people who use drugs are also changing. The issue of government funding of harm reduction services has become very relevant for most of the countries of the CEECA region with international funding rapidly declining and, therefore, EHRA sees its priority in supporting communities in their advocacy for sustainable funding of quality harm reduction services from national sources.

I am proud to be a part of a cohesive and strong team which is ready to fulfill an ambitious strategy!

A good start gives hope for further success!

Ganna Dovbakh, Executive Director of the Eurasian Harm Reduction Association

EHRA in 2017: A good start

On 23 March 2018, the Human Rights Council (HRC) adopted resolution 37/42. The resolution requests the Office of the High Commissioner to prepare a report, in consultation with States, the United Nations Office on Drugs and Crime (UNODC) and other United Nations agencies, civil society and other relevant stakeholders, on the implementation of the joint commitment to effectively addressing and countering the world drug problem with regards to human rights, and to present it to the Human Rights Council at its thirty-ninth session, and also requests the Office of the High Commissioner to share the report with the Commision on Narcotic Drugs (CND), through the appropriate channels, as a contribution to their work in this field and in preparation for the sixty-second session of the Commission, which will include the 2019 Ministerial Segment.

The Office of the High Commissioner on Human Rights launched a call for submissions (Deadline: 18 May 2018) to facilitate civil society contributions. Below are some of the contributions from IDPC members and allies.

Submission by the Rights Reporter Foundation.

Civil society submissions to the Report of the OHCHR on the implementation of the UNGASS Outcome Document with regard to human rights

is the fourth edition in Prison Reform International's annual flagship 

topical developments and challenges in criminal justice and prison policy and practice

. It is published in collaboration with the Thailand Institute of Justice, and features a foreword by the Rt Hon Helen Clark, Member of the Global Commission on Drug Policy, Former Prime Minister of New Zealand and Former Administrator of the United Nations Development Programme.

, including the use of pre-trial detention as an automatic response to suspects; the ongoing challenge of prison overcrowding; and the steady growth in the number of life-sentenced prisoners around the world.

, such as the specific needs of women, children and LGBTI prisoners.

Developments and challenges in prison management

, including record levels of prisoner violence in a number of prison systems; healthcare challenges and shortages of qualified healthcare staff; and the need to address violent extremism and prevent radicalisation in the prison system.

The role of technology in criminal justice and prison systems

, such as the use of ‘telemedicine’ to provide mental healthcare and treatment, and the rise in access to online education and training.

, including community service orders and electronic monitoring, and a growing trend in the use of restorative justice.

rehabilitation and reintegration of offenders in the era of sustainable development

, exploring how the rehabilitation and reintegration of offenders back into their communities can incorporate a broader developmental perspective, contributing to the goals set out in the 2030 Agenda for Sustainable Development.

was launched at the UN Commission on Crime Prevention and Criminal Justice on 15 May 2018.

Global Prison Trends 2018

Poppy cultivation in Mexico and Colombia is part of a local economy geared almost exclusively toward the illegal market abroad: it is driven by demand for heroin, primarily in the United States. North America, including Canada, is currently experiencing a major humanitarian crisis related to this use and the opioids circulating on this market.

To understand the dynamics of this market and to evaluate whether political responses to the phenomenon are appropriate and effective, we present this report on opium poppy cultivation in Mexico and Colombia, which, together with Guatemala, are the poppy-producing countries of Latin America. While it was not possible to include Guatemala in this study, we attempt to provide some relevant information about this Central American country. Because the U.S. government tends to look to producing countries to explain the causes of the emergency situation in its country, it is important to consider the problem from broader and more inclusive perspectives.

This report is based on fieldwork by two researchers in Mexico and Colombia, relevant data and literature, and analyses of the U.S. market for heroin, primarily by the U.S. Drug Enforcement Agency (DEA). Due to lack of information, it does not include detailed discussion of or data from Canada, although a similar situation is understood to exist there.

Poppies, opium, and heroin: Production in Colombia and Mexico

By Lee Edson Yarcia, MD - Policy & Research Officer, NoBox Transitions

Following the government’s ongoing ‘war on drugs’, law enforcement operations increased, leading to a rapid rise in the numbers of people held in detention and prison facilities. This, in turn, worsened already poor prison conditions in the Philippines. Official government data revealed a 511% congestion rate in Philippine jails and current trends show a surge in jail population attributable to ‘the increase in the number of drug-related cases’.

The most recent United Nations Human Rights Council’s Universal Periodic Review of the Philippines has also highlighted this problem and especially its impact on the prisoner’s right to health. In particular, the UN High Commissioner for Human Rights took note of the inadequate standards of medical care in prisons. Additional stakeholders went further, stating that ‘[p]risons were no longer able to ensure the health and safety of prisoners or meet minimal standards under international law’. The Committee Against Torture echoed these observations, particularly noting that the incidence of infectious diseases was ‘extremely high’. The UN country team added that treatment for health conditions for communicable diseases was ‘grossly inadequate’ in prisons.

With regard to particular infections, HIV/AIDS and hepatitis C (HCV) have become critical public health problems for the Philippine prison population. Regarded as ‘twin epidemics’, HIV and HCV infections and co-infections are especially serious issues among marginalised socio-economic groups, with prisoners particularly vulnerable. The country already has one of the fastest-growing HIV epidemics in the world, and HIV incidence among prisoners has been increasing across jails, with the head of the Public Attorney’s Office claiming that as many as ‘one to three in every jail cell’ are infected. While HCV infection has not demonstrated a similar spike in incidence, its prevalence remains higher than HIV/AIDS amongst the general population and Department of Health (DOH) surveys have found incidences of HCV infection in local jails.

Kalusugan sa kulungan: Examining the policy for people living with HIV/AIDS and hepatitis C in Philippine prisons

The UK’s night time economy is failing to protect its most valuable asset: the people who go out and enjoy it. 

Night Lives: Reducing Drug-Related Harm in the Night Time Economy

, a joint report by the All-Party Parliamentary Group for Drug Policy Reform, Durham University, The Loop and Volteface, advocates for the adoption of a set of bold yet practical initiatives across our towns and cities to address this failure. Aimed at stakeholders including the night time industry, local authorities, police forces and public health, 

 offers new ideas for reducing drug-related harm in the UK’s night time economy (NTE).

The history of drug-related harm in the NTE reveals that drug-related deaths have acted as a catalyst for most policy and licensing developments relating to drugs, whether progressive, such as Manchester City Council’s early adoption of Newcombe’s Safer Dancing Guidelines, or regressive, such as the repeated attempts to close Fabric in London. This report bucks that trend.

Drug-related deaths due to ecstasy and cocaine continue to rise and are at their highest since records began, while hospital admissions due to these drugs have risen dramatically in recent years. Admissions for cocaine alone have increased by 90 percent since 2011. This rise is seen despite drug usage rates remaining broadly consistent over the same time period.

Based on in-depth interviews with over 50 key stakeholders, this report concludes that the major perceived barriers to implementation of initiatives to reduce drug-related harm can be overcome through partnership working and a greater understanding of their wider positive impact among all stakeholders. The report also recommends the introduction of four key initiatives for the night time economies of our towns and cities:

Drug safety testing services available to the general public in night life districts;

An independent information campaign on reducing drug-related harm;

Training for night life staff in how to respond effectively to drug use in the NTE;

The adoption of the UK festival drug policy of ‘3Ps: Prevent, Pursue, Protect’ in licensed venues.

Proposals to reduce drug-related harms in the night time economy 

This study of student drug use takes a twopronged approach. Firstly, it included an exploration of students’ attitudes to, and experiences of, drugs through the 2,810 students at UK providers who responded to the Students’ Drug Survey launched in February 2018. Secondly, it incorporated an analysis of the policy responses of UK higher education institutions relating to drug use. This data was collected through freedom of information requests sent to a sample of 151 universities/colleges and an independent assessment of those institutions’ policies and support relating to student drug use via a content analysis. For the purposes of this research the term ‘drugs’ is restricted to all controlled or illegal substances as well as non-prescribed drugs and novel psychoactive substances (previously known as legal highs). Whilst tobacco and alcohol are also psychoactive substances we have excluded them from our definition.

While care should be taken in extrapolating these findings to the student population generally as it is not a prevalence study, we found that drug use is a fairly common, although infrequent, behaviour among survey respondents. The vast majority do not report having experienced problematic drug use: Thirty-nine per cent of students responding to the survey currently use drugs, with a further 17 per cent having done so in the past. Just over half (56 per cent) of respondents have therefore used drugs. Cannabis was the most frequently taken drug, having been used at some point by 94 per cent of respondents who said that they have used drugs. Cannabis was also the only drug in our survey that was more likely to be used regularly, rather than on special occasions. Ecstasy/MDMA was the second most commonly used drug, having been taken by two thirds (67 per cent) of respondents who have used drugs. Nitrous oxide and cocaine have both been used by just over a half of this group. Six per cent of respondents who have used drugs said that they use ‘study drugs’ (drugs taken to improve focus and motivation) at least once a month and one in five of this same group have taken them at some point. Overall one in ten of all students responding to the survey have ever taken study drugs. Respondents were most likely to take drugs at home/in student accommodation, with 86 per cent of respondents who have used drugs saying they do so here. This was also the location with the highest amount of reported daily use, with one in seven respondents (14 per cent) saying they have used drugs here. House parties were a similarly popular location for drug taking (86 per cent), though this was more likely to take place on special occasions. Respondents were least likely to report using drugs in students’ union venues such as the bar. (...) 

Taking the hit: Student drug use and how institutions respond in the UK

By Kathryn Ledebur and Coletta A. Youngers

In the Plurinational State of Bolivia, women account for 8 percent of the country’s more than 17,000 people behind bars. In only three other Latin American countries (Guatemala, El Salvador and Chile) do women comprise a larger share of the overall incarcerated population. Almost 40 percent of the women behind bars in Bolivia are held for lowlevel drug offenses, often as a result of structural socioeconomic conditions, such as poverty and the pressures of single parenting. These women are typically poor, have limited education, and do not have access to stable jobs with decent pay; a startling percentage have been victims of domestic and sexual violence. They are often driven into the drug trade out of economic necessity. High rates of pretrial detention have also contributed to severe prison overcrowding. Indeed, Bolivian prisons are ranked as the eighth most congested in the world.

In response to extreme prison overcrowding, between 2012 and 2018 the government of President Evo Morales enacted six prison pardon, sentence reduction, and amnesty initiatives, leading to the release of almost a third of Bolivia’s total incarcerated population. Specific gender-sensitive clauses benefited mothers and caregivers. These pardon, sentence reduction, and amnesty initiatives with a gender focus, paired with poverty reduction and increased state support for mothers, contributed to an 84 percent decrease between 2012 and 2017 in the number of women incarcerated for drug offenses, going against the trend of increasing female incarceration for drug-related offenses in most Latin American countries.

But Bolivia’s considerable progress in reducing the incarceration of women for drug offenses risks reversal without the enactment and implementation of broader judicial reform efforts. Bolivia’s 1988 drug law, Law 1008, includes harsh provisions that fail to distinguish between small, medium, and large-scale trafficking, with disproportionally high sentences for all offenses ranging from 10 to 25 years. Law 1008 initially mandated pretrial detention for anyone accused of a drug offense and blocked those individuals from benefitting from alternatives to incarceration.

Upon assuming office in January 2006, the Morales Administration promised to reform Law 1008 and to propose separate legislation for coca cultivation. More than 10 years later, in 2017, the Bolivian legislature finally passed new laws on coca and on controlled substances. A new penal code approved later that year would have reduced sentences for drug offenses and could have significantly reduced the number of incarcerated women. However, in the face of widespread protests, the legislature subsequently revoked it, meaning that the extremely high sentences for drug offenses provided under Law 1008 remain in effect.

Promoting gender-sensitive drug policies in Bolivia

We are pleased to introduce this special issue of the Bulletin on Narcotics, which is devoted to the theme of alternative development. In addition to this introduction, it consists of five academic articles that provide important insights and experiences regarding the current state and future directions of this development-driven strategy. The articles were selected following an open call for submission announced in December 2015. Some of the articles offer a programmatic perspective, distilling lessons learned and best practices from projects and programmes implemented in various countries and contexts. Others present a more general analytical perspective, examining some of the principles and conceptual underpinnings of alternative development.

Integrated development with coca in the Plurinational State of Bolivia: shifting the focus from eradication to poverty alleviation

By Thomas Grisaffi, Linda Farthing and Kathryn Ledebur,

The innovative “coca yes, cocaine no” policy of the Plurinational State of Bolivia, in place since 2006, provides valuable insight into the benefits of a sustainable livelihood approach to supply-side drug crop control without prior forced eradication. While the policy has inevitable limitations, its focus on the social welfare, human rights and economic stability of coca-farming families has proven effective and sustainable in diversifying the economy and fostering political and economic stability. The direct participation of communities and grass-roots organizations, such as the coca grower unions, in finding more effective and sustainable approaches to drug control have been crucial elements in its success. The elements of the policy’s key programme also correspond with the Sustainable Development Goals, adopted by the United Nations in 2015.

Publications from IDPC Members