By John Collins - London Schools of Economics,

“Decades ago, the Thai royal family effectively decided that illicit drug production was a long-term policy development issue, and that they would therefore treat it as such. They would not just go in and eradicate crops unless there were alternatives for those communities to live off, and they have seen the benefits of that policy.”

Dr John Collins, founding Executive Director of LSE's International Drug Policy Unit (IDPU), is explaining why the Drugs and Development Hub (DDH) focuses on the work of its partner, the Mae Fah Luang Foundation, and why Thailand is often seen as a success story in development and drug policy. While northern areas of Thailand used to be a significant opium growing and trafficking region, he says, decades of government intervention has effectively shifted those communities and their economies away from a reliance on illicit crops.

“Now there are a lot of reasons why you can’t just replicate or transfer that experience to say Colombia” Dr Collins cautions. “Thailand is much smaller, the cultivation areas were much more constrained, they had support of the Royal family etc, but it is a good example of effective policy and there are of course lessons we can learn from that."

Creating the environment to enable such lessons to be learnt is one of the aims of the DDH, which launched in January 2020 at an event hosted by the Centre for the Study of Security and Drugs (CESED) at the Universidad de Los Andes in Bogota, Colombia. Led by the IDPU, in collaboration with the Global Partnership on Drug Policies and Development and the Global Initiative Against Transnational Organised Crime, the Hub provides a platform to enable policymakers and practitioners across a range of disciplines to forge connections and learn from each other.

“There is currently quite a siloed approach to international drug policy,” Dr Collins says. “You have certain actors that focus specifically on drugs, or specifically on crime or development and there's not really a platform to enable cross-cutting discussions where these fields meet.”

The DDH aims to change this. “There are a lot of institutional hurdles to creating these collaborative or inter-institutional discussions” Dr Collins explains. “It’s not necessarily through a desire not to engage, but there are institutional set ups which push back against any meaningful collaboration. We’re aiming to bring people together in ways that will encourage these networks and develop the discussions that we feel are currently missing."

How can we end the War on Drugs?

The recreational use of cannabis was legalized in Canada two years ago, and when the government of Prime Minister Justin Trudeau made its legalization pitch to the country, it was stories like Robert’s — a life derailed by a possession charge — that most resonated with many Canadians.

Legalization, the government vowed, would address the inequalities in a criminal justice system where marijuana and hashish penalties and prosecutions — and the lifelong burdens they impose — had fallen disproportionately on marginalized communities, particularly Black Canadians and Indigenous people.

That promise has largely been kept, with legalization essentially ending what Akwasi Owusu-Bempah, a professor of sociology at the University of Toronto who studies race and policing in Canada, called the “heavily racialized” arrests for marijuana possession.

But some other key promises, and hopes, that came with Canada being the first industrialized nation to legalize marijuana remain unfulfilled. The for-profit industry it created has struggled. Pot sales outside the legal system still thrive. Indigenous communities feel their needs are being ignored. And the injustices that came from criminalizing pot in the past have yet to be fully remedied.

2 years after legalizing cannabis, has Canada kept its promises?

By Anine Kriegler / Institute for Security Studies

In November 2020 Anine Kriegler interviewed Shaun Shelly about recent developments in South African Drug Policy in the wake of the 2018 Constitutional Court judgment decriminalising personal possession of cannabis, and the subsequent Cannabis for Private Purposes Bill. Shaun is a researcher at the University of Pretoria Department of Family Medicine where he is part of the team implementing a community oriented primary care approach to address drug use in the City of Tshwane.3 He is the founder of the South African Drug Policy Week and is the drug policy lead at TB HIV Care, a non-profit organisation that works to prevent, find, and treat TB, HIV, and other major diseases by targeting interventions to address the needs of populations at risk, such as inmates, sex workers, and people who inject drugs. Shaun is a founding member and chair of the South African Network of People Who Use Drugs and the former Deputy Secretary of the United Nations Vienna NGO Committee on Narcotic Drugs. He sits on various other national and international task teams and advisory boards on drugs.

On the record - Interview with Shaun Shelly, researcher at the University of Pretoria and the Policy, Advocacy and Human Rights lead at TB HIV Care, South Africa

A pandemic is gripping Europe with its centre in Great Britain. More than 3 million Britons caught it in 2019-20, of whom 5,657 died – a number that has quadrupled since 2013. Scotland’s death rate has soared to three and a half times that of the whole UK, and is the worst in Europe. Multiple cures are being tested round the world, but the British government opposes every one of them.

This year is the 50th anniversary of Westminster telling the world that its Misuse of Drugs Act (1971) would stamp out illegal drugs for ever. The act failed utterly, but it has never been repealed. Among other horrors, the industry it created now enslaves an estimated 27,000 children and teenagers, some as young as eight, in “county lines” drug gangs. The government has no answer but to throw a few of them in jail.

During any crisis, radical ideas tend to come from troops at the front, rather than from the centre. Drugs are no exception. The Home Office in Whitehall is terrified not of the facts, but of the tabloid press. It is now 20 years since the Runciman committee on reforming the drug laws advised that cannabis be reduced to a class C drug, which Tony Blair’s government reluctantly did before reversing the decision. As a pro-legalisation member of the committee, I will never forget the fury of the well-dressed Stepney dealer who told us we wanted to “do me out of living”. He was a great fan of the anti-reform home secretary Jack Straw.

Since then, evidence of new ways of handling narcotics, soft and hard, has poured in from around the world. The Netherlands, Switzerland and Portugal have been in the lead, with the US and Canada across the Atlantic. For marijuana, the salient point has been its medicinal use. Medicinal cannabis is now legal in most countries.

In Britain, the Home Office was implacable until a media campaign in 2018 for two epileptic children forced it to license the drug for serious pain relief. Figures last month revealed that not a single NHS prescription for cannabis has yet been allowed. British sufferers must still seek relief abroad. The health ministry says fatuously that it wants more research.

For 50 years, zero tolerance to drugs has failed – yet Britain refuses to change

Rebecca Askew launches her new Drug Policy Voices podcast which aims to engage people into debates revolving around drug policy. Every month, topics will be addressed which will seek to educate, inform, and amplify the voices of people who use drugs, as well as provide a space where all viewpoints around drug policy can be considered.

In their first episode, Dr. Stuart Taylor is invited to discuss the term 'drug' and its uses, implications, and inferences therein. Dr. Taylor is a Senior Lecturer in criminal justice in the School of Justice Studies at Liverpool John Moores University. His background includes professional and academic experience on the processes within the criminal justice system, the social construction of drugs and drug policy, the alcohol industry, sexual offences, and the night-time economy.

Drug terminology is quite varied but unfortuately has been prone to misuse in recent years; a plethora of terms has arisen which unfairly discriminate against people who use drugs and people who have unfortuntaely developed drug dependencies. Dr. Taylor therefore presents the idea on whether or not people who use drugs should try to drop the term 'drug' from general use altogether, or instead try to reclaim it by spreading awareness on its proper contextualisation.

‘Drug’ - A discussion on the term, with Dr Stuart Taylor

In early December, the House of Representatives passed the Marijuana Opportunity Reinvestment and Expungement Act, or the MORE Act. The bill sought to decriminalize marijuana nationally by removing cannabis from the federal government's list of controlled substances deemed to have a high potential for abuse.

A main concern for cannabis decriminalisation in Mexico is that the bill could find itself being sent back and forth between the two houses as concerns for how to properly implement a regulated cannabis market is still being thought out. Mexico has had a medical cannabis bill since 2017, but permitting its mainstream use is another matter entirely.

The war on drugs has revolved around Mexico to an unfairly high degree; most noticeably concerning the cultivation of cannabis. Regulating cannabis would be an enormous step in righting the wrongs of the war on drugs, but first it must be ensured that such regulations are written with Mexico's benefit in mind - for its people, economy, and health care system.

How to Regulate Cannabis in Mexico? - Drugreporter Café

As marijuana outlets open after the drug is legalized, the density of those recreational retailers is associated with more use and a greater intensity of use among young adults, according to a new RAND Corporation study.

The study is among the first to examine associations between the density of marijuana outlets and marijuana use over time, and is the first to include unlicensed dispensaries in such an analysis.

Studying young adults in Los Angeles County the year before and the year after marijuana was available for recreational purchase in retail shops in California, the study found that the density of licensed marijuana outlets was associated with young adults' marijuana use, heavy use and intentions to use. The density of unlicensed outlets was associated with young adults' heavy marijuana use and symptoms of cannabis use disorder.

Density of marijuana outlets associated with more and higher use among young adults

UNAIDS and partners are establishing a Solidarity Fund for Key Population Social Entrepreneurship to facilitate access to financing for key populations of the HIV response facing special hardship in the current COVID-19 context. The Solidarity Fund will finance social enterprise grants which are led by people living with HIV, women or members of key populations, including sex workers, transgender people, people who use drugs and gay men and other men who have sex with men. The objective of the social enterprise grants is to support scaling of proven models and to generate new social enterprises.

Groups, networks and organizations or partnerships between networks or organizations of people living with HIV, young women from key affected communities or members of key populations, including sex workers, transgender people, people who use drugs and gay men and other men who have sex with men of the pilot countries Brazil, Ghana, India, Madagascar and Uganda are eligible to apply for grants in accordance with the 

online application format specifications.

Applications can be submitted on a rolling basis through the below application format or through a 5 minute video submission in accordance with the listed specifications.

Deadline for the first round of applications is 30 January 2021.

UNAIDS Solidarity Fund for key population social entrepreneurship - Call for applications - Brazil, Ghana, India, Madagascar and Uganda

The deaths of nine people last week from the overdose of a deadly "new" drug -- a combination of heroin, ketamine, methamphetamine and sleep medication -- is a shock. The bizarre deaths, so many in one day, were unprecedented. Six were under the jurisdiction of Phraya Krai police station, and the rest reported by the Sai Mai and Suthisan police stations.

The term "k-nom pong" -- "powdered milk ketamine" -- baffles the public. The authorities are also looking into another ketamine concoction called "Talaysai", which is much stronger than the milk powder formula.

Readers may notice news of narcotics crackdowns appearing almost daily in the newspaper, but efforts to root out the problem go nowhere. Rarely do the police or the Office of Narcotics Control Board (ONCB) net the "big fish" of drug dealing operations, as the catch are mostly low-level drug dealers and users, mostly young people.

Some Thais may recall the "war on drugs", an initiative by then prime minister Thaksin Shinawatra in 2003, in which over 2,500 people were killed, mostly small dealers, as police responded to pressure to get results. Public outrage caused the Thaksin government to step back. The latest incident speaks volumes about Thailand's drug problem, which is a mess. Police are still looking for a clue as to who the producers are. Without a major catch, the situation looks like a losing battle.

Time for drug policy rethink in Thailand

Youth Organisations for Drug Action (YODA) is a European network that brings together organisations at the forefront of harm reduction and drug policy reform.

YODA convenes independent organisations that are formally registered in their home countries to cooperate on projects and to share knowledge and support. YODA focuses on Europe due to the region-specific challenges that People Who Use Drugs (PWUD) and drug policy activists face, and aims to affect European drug policies.

“We felt there is a need for an increased presence of the young Europeans in the policy processes on the international level, and I think we have managed to achieve that,” shared Jan Stola, co-founder and coordinator of YODA.

What distinguishes YODA from other organisations, such as Youth RISE and SSDP, covered in parts 1 and 2 of this series, is that it’s an umbrella organisation for NGOs that work with young PWUD. YODA isn’t university-based, and most members are groups rather than individuals.

Young People in Drug Policy Advocacy 3 – Youth Organisations for Drug Action

By the International Narcotics Control Board

VIENNA, 22 December (United Nations Information Service) - During its 129th session, the International Narcotics Control Board (INCB) held consultations with senior representatives of the Government of the Philippines to discuss the country's implementation of its legal obligations under the three international drug control conventions in conjunction with continued reports of extrajudicial acts of violence, including killings of people in the Philippines suspected of engaging in drug-related conduct and drug use.

Over the past years, INCB has joined other UN bodies in drawing the attention of the international community to these allegations and has repeatedly called on the Government of the Philippines to immediately halt acts of violence against people who use drugs and people suspected of involvement in the illicit drug trade and to take measures to ensure that all reported incidents are investigated, and if warranted prosecuted, according to the rule of law.

The United Nations High Commissioner for Human Rights has highlighted that reports of these killings continue, including during the COVID-19 pandemic. INCB has remained in dialogue with the Government of the Philippines on these issues and has been working to secure a Board mission to the country to review implementation of the three drug control conventions on the ground.

INCB reviews the drug control situation in the Philippines

By Gideon Lasco, Suchitra Rajagopalan / Inquirer

In May 2020, at the height of the COVID-19 pandemic, a man in Singapore was sentenced to death for a drug offense via a remote hearing on Zoom. This incident personifies the approach to drugs in Asia. Countries in Asia hold the unfortunate distinction of being among the most prolific users of the death penalty for drugs, and for having some of the most punitive drug laws in the world.

Despite the proven ineffectiveness of the death penalty as a deterrent to drug use or sale, its use for drug offenses has continued, with Bangladesh expanding the death penalty to cover the manufacture and trafficking of yaba (methamphetamine). Sri Lanka’s former President Maithripala Sirisena sought to reinstate the death penalty for drug traffickers last year, and Indonesia continues to hand out death sentences for drug-related offenses.


While executions sometimes receive media attention, much less is said of the plight of people on death row for drug offenses. At least 3,000 people convicted of drug offenses are languishing on death row. Government data is insufficient and inaccessible so the actual figure is likely to be much higher. Many of these people have been on death row for a decade or more, and hundreds more continue to be sentenced to death every year.


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