A controversial trial of drug testing welfare recipients will almost certainly be postponed after the Turnbull government conceded it was unlikely to win sufficient support from the Senate crossbench.

The trial was to have applied to new welfare recipients from January 1, 2018, but Social Services Minister Christian Porter on Wednesday indicated he was prepared to excise the trial from omnibus welfare legislation so other measures could be approved by Parliament before the end of the year.

"The sticking point, fundamentally, in the legislation has been the drug testing trials for welfare recipients. The bill is critical," Mr Porter told the National Press Club in Canberra.

"So the bulk of that bill, which reforms the compliance system, is so critical to what we are trying to achieve that I wouldn't want to sacrifice the bulk of that in terms of timeliness while we are still negotiating around drug testing."

The package of welfare changes includes the drug test trial but also seeks to replace seven payments with one, impose tougher compliance measures on working-age recipients and remove drug and alcohol abuse as valid exemptions for meeting mutual obligation requirements for payments.

Labor, the Greens and several members of the crossbench are opposed to the drug test trial.

Although the Senate will sit for another two weeks before the end of the year, one of those weeks will be devoted to debating same-sex marriage legislation, leaving only four days to deal with other legislation.

Negotiations have been further complicated by the citizenship soap opera engulfing the Parliament with another key member of the crossbench, South Australian senator Skye Kakoschke-Moore, resigning on Wednesday.

As many as 1750 young people and job seekers in western Sydney, 2500 in Logan, Queensland and 750 in Mandurah, Western Australia, would be drug tested and face strict welfare quarantining measures should the Senate approve the government's contentious welfare crackdown.

Under the two-year trial - a policy that was first unveiled in the May budget - 5000 new recipients of Newstart Allowance and Youth Allowance will be drug tested for illicit substances such as ice, ecstasy and marijuana across three locations.

The trial would be accompanied by strict income management measures. People who test positive to two drug tests will have 80 per cent of their welfare payment redirected to a cashless welfare card, which quarantines the money for use on essential goods and services such as groceries.

Controversial drug trial for welfare recipients in Australia to be postponed

Under President Joko Widodo (Jokowi), Indonesia’s war on drugs has taken on a deadly edge. Initially, Jokowi focused on judicial executions, declaring in December 2014 that his government would empty death row of its 64 prisoners sentenced on drugs charges in order to tackle a ‘drugs emergency’. Action followed quickly — his government executed 14 narcotics prisoners within six months.

Only four further prisoners have faced the firing squad for drugs crimes since, with no executions now for 15 months. But as judicial executions have receded, fatal shootings of narcotics suspects have surged. Indonesian human rights monitor Kontras estimates police and the National Narcotics Agency (BNN) fatally shot 106 drugs suspects between September 2016 and September 2017, with the vast majority of these shootings taking place in 2017. The shootings have continued since the release of their data, with at least a further six drugs suspects shot dead during October.

As with the judicial executions, this uptick in killings has coincided with hardline rhetoric from Jokowi and his senior law enforcement officials. Jokowi himself was one of the first to speak approvingly of shootings, calling on police on World Anti-Narcotics Day in 2016 to shoot narcotics criminals if the law allowed it (before noting it was fortunate the law did not). National police chief Tito Karnavian was one of those to echo the president’s call. In January, he held a press conference at the police mortuary, telling drugs distributors they would end up there if they resisted arrest.

Indonesia’s fatal war on drugs

Everyone knows the story. There is the body, there is the bullet, there is the man who will alternately be called addict or suspect or junkie or pusher or dealer, allegedly or otherwise, depending on who tells the story.

“We will not stop,” said President Rodrigo Duterte, “until the last drug lord… and the last pusher have surrendered, or are put either behind bars or below the ground, if they so wish.”

This is Quezon City, millions strong, sprawling over more than 16,000 hectares, the largest in Metro Manila and the most populated of the country's highly urbanized cities. Two former presidents still live inside its borders, along with a handful of senators and the grandchildren of the late Commonwealth president Manuel L. Quezon, in whose imagination bloomed the vision of a graceful capitol in the city that now carries his name. It is also the city where at least 511 people were recorded killed during the first seven months of Duterte's drug war.

Project Double Barrel went into effect in July of 2016. The leadership went to the police, who were promised protection by the President as long as "you do your duty." The daily broadcasts ran footage of wailing mothers, while corpse after corpse filled the feeds of night shift reporters until operations were suspended in January.

Rappler reviewed police spot reports for 368 incidents of deaths under investigation and fatal armed encounters in Quezon City between July 1, 2016 and January 30, 2017, the first seven months of Project Double Barrel and Barrel Alpha. The reports were accessed at the Criminal Investigation and Detection Unit at the Quezon City Police District (QCPD) headquarters after a request for all reports filed between June 2016 and January 2017.

A request for later reports within the time frame of the drug war's second onslaught was initially approved by the QCPD. It was subsequently denied by higher authorities, who cited “ongoing investigations.”

A spot report is filed in the immediate aftermath of an incident, and includes the date, time, and type – whether it was a stabbing or a shooting, whether it was a police operation or a corpse left by the side of the road, whether the dead were drug suspects or unidentified. It includes the facts of the case as determined by the police. It lists the police personnel present, whether responding or involved, as well as possible perpetrators. When available, the addresses and names of suspects killed are included, as well as the place of incident.

Quezon City's dead fall into two categories. The first are the deaths under investigation. The perpetrators are listed as largely unknown. Some of the bodies were found in street corners and alongside highways, garroted with galvanized wire or stabbed in the chest, faces sometimes wrapped in duct tape, with crystal meth in their pockets and signs calling them addicts or dealers. Others were shot point-blank by riding-in-tandem assailants, or murdered by masked men as they watched television inside shanties.

Although it cannot be categorically said that the victims were involved in drugs, some were on drug watch lists, while a number of others had already surrendered to local authorities.

Rappler identified 216 deaths under investigation in a review of QCPD spot reports. Joy Belmonte, the Vice Mayor of Quezon City, under whose office the anti-illegal drug campaign falls, admitted she was alarmed by the sudden rise of killings. She cautioned against seeing the trend "from a black and white perspective."

Some of the dead, she said, were probably uninvolved in drugs but were targeted because "of the opportunity" to kill with impunity. Others were possible informants murdered by corrupt policemen she called "ninja cops." Still others were victims of vigilante killings.

This is where they do not die: An investigation into the Philippines war on drugs

On nights when the November rain poured down and he had not slept at all, Jhonny Arcentales had visions of dying, of his body being cast into the dark ocean. He would imagine his wife and their teenage son tossing his clothes into a pit in a cemetery and gathering at the local church for his funeral. It had been more than two months since Arcentales, a 40-year-old fisherman from Ecuador’s central coast, left home, telling his wife he would return in five days. A cuff clamped onto his ankle kept him shackled to a cable along the deck of the ship but for the occasional trip, guarded by a sailor, to defecate into a bucket. Most of the time, he couldn’t move more than an arm’s length in either direction without jostling the next shackled man. “The sea used to be freedom,” he told me. But on the ship, “it was the opposite. Like a prison in the open ocean.”

By day Arcentales would stand against the wall and stare out at the water, his mind blank one moment, the next racing with thoughts of his wife and their newborn son. He had not spoken to his family, though he asked each day to call home. He increasingly felt panicked, fearing his wife would believe he was dead.

Arcentales has wide muscular shoulders from his 25 years hauling fishing nets from the sea. But his meals now consisted of a handful of rice and beans, and he could feel his body shrinking from the undernourishment and immobility. “The moment we would stand up, we would get nauseated, our heads would spin,” he recalled. The 20-some prisoners aboard the vessel — Ecuadorians, Guatemalans and Colombians — would often stand through the night, their backs aching, their bodies frigid from the wind and rain, waiting for the morning sun to rise and dry them.

In the first weeks, Arcentales had turned to his friend Carlos Quijije, another fisherman from the small town of Jaramijó, to calm him. They were chained side by side, and the 26-year-old would offer some perspective. “Relax brother, everything is going to work out,” Arcentales remembered Quijije saying. “They’ll take us to Ecuador, and we will see our families.” But after two months of being shackled aboard the ship, Quijije seemed just as despondent. They often thought they would simply disappear.

The U.S. Coast Guard’s ‘floating Guantánamos’

The Government of Canada has committed to legalizing, strictly regulating, and restricting access to cannabis. In April 2017, the government introduced Bill C-45, the proposed Cannabis Act. Subject to the approval of Parliament, the Government of Canada intends to bring the proposed Cannabis Act into force no later than July 2018.

We are now seeking feedback on Health Canada's proposed approach to the regulation of cannabis.

Health Canada is seeking your feedback on the Consultation Paper: Proposed Approach to the Regulation of Cannabis. This approach builds on the extensive consultations already conducted by the Task Force on Cannabis Legalization and Regulation and Canada’s existing system of regulated production of cannabis for medical purposes and industrial hemp.

The proposed Cannabis Act would create a strict national framework for controlling the production, distribution, sale and possession of cannabis in Canada. As part of this framework, Health Canada would be responsible for regulating production and setting standards for health and safety. The provinces and territories would oversee the distribution and sale of cannabis, subject to minimum federal conditions.

This consultation relates to Health Canada's proposed approach to the regulation of cannabis

Consultation on the Proposed Approach to the Regulation of Cannabis

As U.S. and Afghan forces pound Taliban drug factories this week, farmers in the country’s largest opium producing-province and narcotics experts say the strategy just repeats previous failed efforts to stamp out the trade.

U.S. Army General John Nicholson, who heads NATO-led forces in Afghanistan, announced on Monday a new strategy of attacking opium factories, saying he wanted to hit the Taliban “where it hurts, in their narcotics financing”.

Critics say the policy risks further civilian casualties and turning large swathes of the population dependent on poppy cultivation against the Afghan government.

U.S. strikes on Taliban opium labs won't work, say Afghan farmers

An erosion of human rights enables the brutal approach to drug policy taken in some Asian countries, says Mangai Balasegaram, but recent teen deaths in the Philippines have sparked massive public outrage, and she asks if this could mark a turning point in President Rodrigo Duterte’s bloody War on Drugs.

At 8.45pm on 16 August, Kian delos Santos was gunned down in a dark, dead-end corner in the Manila suburb of Caloocan. He was yet another statistic in a bloody drug war in the Philippines that has left about 7,000 dead. In the preceding week, 90 people had been killed.

This death of delos Santos was different. He was just 17, and CCTV footage conflicted with the account from Police, that this was “nanlaban”, a common justification for killing, meaning he resisted arrest and tried to fire back.

Witnesses told local media that a defenceless delos Santos was beaten and dragged from near his home to where he was found dead, curled in the foetal position, with bullet wounds in his ear and back. The last words of the high school student went viral: “Please stop! Please stop! I have a test tomorrow!”

Stories of a responsible, caring teenager who got up at 5.30am to help run the family store cast further doubt on Police claims.

Public mood swing: Have Asia’s brutal drug wars hit a nerve?

Within the frame of the project "Strengthening NGO capacity and promoting public health and human rights oriented drug policy in South Eastern Europe", funded by EU and OSF, a visit to Slovenia took place on 26 - 28 of September. On behalf of the project partners (and members of DPNSEE), Mr. Sasa Mijovic (NVO4Life), Mr. Erlind Plaku (AksionPlus) and Mr. Nikos Stergiou (Diogenis Drug Policy Dialogue), were the delegates who participated in this activity. The meetings were concluded in an excellent climate and there was great exchange of experiences and good practices on drug policy in Slovenia and in the area of SE Europe.

11th issue of the Drug Policy Network of South East Europe Newsletter

In September, we had the honour of bringing an ICEERS delegation to the United Nations, joined by UMIYAC (Union de Medicos Indigenas Yageceros de la Amazonia Colombiana) and Maloca International. We traveled to Geneva to attend the 36th session of the Human Rights Council and the 62nd session of the Committee on Economic, Social and Cultural Rights that took place at the United Nations offices. Because it was also the 10th anniversary of the Declaration on the Rights of Indigenous Peoples there were also several other events taking place. It was in this context that our delegation had the opportunity to speak about ancestral medicine and medicinal plants with the different UN bodies that monitor the implementation of the core international human rights treaties. UMIYAC is an organization made up of representatives from five Amazonian indigenous communities: the Cofán, Siona, Coreguaje, Inga, and Kamentsá. As traditional healers and 

knowledge holders), their role is to steward ancestral knowledge, to protect their territories, and to offer physical and spiritual healing, such as the trauma left behind by the Colombian armed conflict. Maloca Internationale is an organization based in Geneva that works to promote the inclusion of traditional knowledge in the international legal system. Thanks to this initiative, and in name of all the spiritual authorities of the communities of the UMIYAC, we were able influence the international community through our written and oral declarations through the UN mechanisms.

Yagé and the Rights of Indigenous Peoples at the United Nations

The amount of street heroin testing positive for the deadly opiate fentanyl has skyrocketed over the past five years, according to tests of thousands of samples conducted by Canada’s health regulator. In 2017, 4,568 samples of street drugs seized by law enforcement tested positive for fentanyl, mostly in British Columbia, followed by Ontario, according to Health Canada’s Drug Analysis Service data provided to VICE News. In 2012, just 217 samples tested positive across the country, meaning the amount of drugs cut with fentanyl has increased more than 20-fold. Heroin has seen the biggest jump, with 60 percent of samples in 2017 testing positive for fentanyl or similar chemicals, compared to less than one percent five years ago. Fentanyl was also found in 1.8 percent of cocaine samples and 1.7 percent of meth samples tested this year.

Most heroin tested in Canada is contaminated with fentanyl

สงครามยาเสพติดมีผลต่อสตรีอย่างไร? มันแตกต่างจากที่มันมีผลต่อผู้ชายจริงๆหรือ? ความรู้ของเรามีอยู่อย่างจำกัดมากก่อนที่เราจะสัมภาษณ์ผู้เข้าร่วมการประชุมเชิงปฏิบัติการนานาชาติในบูดาเปสต์

โปรดดูรายงานวิดีโอของเราและอ่านบทความของเรา!ผลกระทบต่อมิติทางเพศของการทำสงครามยาเสพติด

คำบรรยาย มันน่าประทับใจมากที่ได้เข้ามาในห้องเต็มไปด้วยผู้หญิง - จริงๆแล้วผู้หญิงเท่านั้นทั้งในหมู่ผู้ชมและบนเวทีของผู้บรรยาย ฉันไม่เคยเข้าร่วมการประชุมเชิงปฏิบัติการเรื่องหญิงเพียงอย่างเดียวก่อนที่ฉันจะมาสัมภาษณ์ผู้เข้าร่วมการประชุมเชิงปฏิบัติการเรื่องผลกระทบทางเพศของสงครามยาเสพติดในบูดาเปสต์ซึ่งจัดโดยโรงเรียนนโยบายสาธารณะของ CEU สำหรับช่วงเวลาที่ฉันสามารถเอาใจใส่กับผู้หญิงที่เข้าร่วมการประชุมเชิงปฏิบัติการเต็มรูปแบบของผู้ชาย แน่นอนว่าสิ่งที่ฉันรู้สึกว่าเป็นความสนุก แต่สิ่งที่พวกเขารู้สึกก็เหมือนการข่มขู่ในโลกที่ผู้ชายครอบงำ

ในโลกนี้ในฐานะนักสตรีนิยมกล่าวว่าเกือบทุกปรากฏการณ์ในชีวิตทางการเมืองสังคมและเศรษฐกิจของเราถูกสร้างขึ้นจากมุมมองของผู้ชาย สงครามกับยาเสพติดไม่ใช่ข้อยกเว้น ความคิดที่ว่าผลกระทบทางเพศจากการทำสงครามกับยาเสพติดน่าจะเป็นเรื่องที่เห็นได้ชัด

เพื่อรับข้อมูลเกี่ยวกับประเด็นที่เกี่ยวข้องกับนโยบายยาเสพติด

กรุณาดูด้านล่างสำหรับข้อมูลเพิ่มเติมเป็นภาษาอังกฤษ

How does the war on drugs affect women? Is it really so different from how it affects men? Our knowledge was very limited before we interviewed the participants of an international workshop in Budapest. Please watch our video report and read our article!

It was impressive to enter a room full of women – actually only women, both in the audience and on the speakers’ podium. I have never been at a female-only workshop before I came to interview the participants of a workshop on the gendered impacts of the war on drugs in Budapest, organised by the CEU School of Public Policy. For a moment I could empathise with those women who join a workshop full of males. Of course what I felt was amusement, whereas what they feel is more like intimidation in a world dominated by men.

In this world, as feminists say, almost every phenomena in our political, social, and economic life is constructed from the male perspective. The war on drugs is not an exception. The notion that there are overlooked gendered impacts of the war on drugs seems obvious.

Keep up-to-date with drug policy developments by subscribing to the IDPC Monthly Alert.

ผลกระทบต่อมิติทางเพศจากการทำสงครามยาเสพติด

The Philippine government says its war on drugs is producing results. But murder rates are rising, with a large number of deaths linked to police operations. The government denies that over 10,000 extrajudicial killings have taken place during Rodrigo Duterte's war on drugs and instead points to a decrease in crimes such as kidnapping or theft.