Although this article isn’t about me, I think it’s important to give you some context.

My name is Jéssica, I’m 31 years old, I was born and raised in the Complexo de Favelas do Alemão, in the city of Rio de Janeiro. I’m an LGBTQIA+ person, I have no children and I’m a human rights activist.

I’d like to start by talking about activism – more specifically, about what drives someone to become an activist. In my case, it was an almost-choice. I emphasise “almost” because, although it was a choice like many others I’ve made, sometimes that decision is thrust upon you, like a foot ramming down a door, forcing you to take part in a fight that no one would ever ask you to join.

Today, this text is not about me. I’m writing about the growing movements of mothers and other relatives who, from one moment to the next, have their lives changed and must fight for the memory and the rights of the victims of the drug war. According to the 17th edition of the Annual Brazilian Public Security Report, 83% of those killed by the police in Brazil in 2022 were Black, and 76% of these were aged between 12 and 26. These figures reveal not only a very important detail of who is executed by the police; they also show how these killings leave a trail of blood and pain on so many mothers, families and friends whose lives are violently crossed by the pain of loss.

The weight of inaction: The mothers fighting the war on drugs in Brazil

The purpose of this report is twofold: to critically examine a breakdown in journalistic standards surrounding the viral phenomenon known as “fentanyl exposure” and to improve future reporting on this and related issues.

Fear of exposure to the synthetic opioid fentanyl first spread through the 

 and has since been broadcast to the public through hundreds of dramatic, sensational, and factually inaccurate news reports. Despite numerous refutations and debunkings, news reports continue to claim that police officers around the country suffer grave symptoms, including overdose, after passive, incidental contact with fentanyl. 

Fentanyl is indeed a potent opioid responsible for 

 annually. And small doses can be deadly. But the dangers of touching fentanyl or being in its presence have been greatly exaggerated by police and the news media, contributing to a distorted public perception that carries real world consequences. 

Misconceptions about fentanyl’s properties could result in delayed rescue breathing and aid to overdose victims, unnecessary stress and panic among police officers, wasteful budget expenditures and resource allocation, and excessively harsh and punitive criminal charges that do little to prevent substance use or substance-related harms.

If fentanyl is not the cause of the symptoms experienced by police officers, then what is? The overwhelming consensus among medical and toxicological experts points to fear and panic as the main culprits. Police authorities and the news media have widely reported that touching a small amount of fentanyl is dangerous, leading officers to fear the substance and experience the symptoms they expect would occur. Researchers refer to this as the “

 it explains the officers’ symptoms, which are more consistent with a panic response than an opioid overdose. Potent opioids like fentanyl are central nervous system depressants, producing symptoms such as slow and shallow breaths, while police officers exhibit 

 like rapid breathing and tingling extremities that indicate anxiety and panic. 

Fentanyl exposure: myths, misconceptions, and the media

A recent report by Dr. Tlaleng Mofokeng, the United Nations Special Rapporteur on the right to health, titled 

Drug Use, Harm Reduction and the Right to Health

 provides a thorough analysis of human rights protection within drug policy and emphasizes the preservation of Traditional Indigenous Medicines. The report offers extensive recommendations with far-reaching implications for public health policy and the rights of historically marginalized communities.

The report highlights several important recommendations, including responsible regulation and decriminalization of ancestral medicine practices. The proposals and their potential implications are as follows:

 Move towards responsible regulatory frameworks and advocate for legal regulations of species and substances controlled by international conventions. This approach aims to reduce the harms associated with the unregulated market and ensure safe and controlled access.

 End discriminatory practices and requirements that impede access to health services. This recommendation is crucial to ensure that all people, regardless of their origin or socioeconomic status, can access the care they need without bureaucratic barriers that hinder their right to life.

 Consider the specific needs of marginalized populations. Recognizing and addressing these needs can make the difference between an inclusive public health policy and one that perpetuates exclusion and inequality.

 Politically support and continuously fund peer-led initiatives that are essential to harm reduction. These initiatives are based on the lived experience of the individuals involved and offer more effective and empathetic approaches to prevention and treatment.

 Ensure that laws do not perpetuate various kinds of oppression, such as racism and colonialism. This includes the need to review and reform legislation that criminalizes plant medicine practices and disproportionately affects marginalized communities.

 Decriminalize the use, possession, purchase, and cultivation of substances for personal consumption. Criminalization of personal use has proven ineffective and harmful. It also perpetuates stigma and maintains barriers to healthcare access.

 Revise the international legal framework on drug control to reflect human rights and public health perspectives, rather than those based on repression and punishment.

Relevance in the Globalization of Traditional Indigenous Medicines

The document starts off with a revealing statement, “Drugs have been a part of human history for thousands of years, whether for medicinal healing, religious and cultural ceremonies or as commodities for pleasure.” This opening line highlights the importance and diversity of the relationship with these substances over time and recognizes their role in traditional medicine, spirituality, and the search for pleasurable experiences. Among the Rapporteur’s suggestions, one stands out in particular for its relevance to advocacy work regarding traditional practices. The conclusions and recommendations section stipulates the following:

“On the basis of the principles of equality and non-discrimination, transparency, participation and accountability, the Special Rapporteur recommends that States:

[…] Recognize the cultural and medicinal uses of plants and flora for their rich diversity beyond western medical paradigms by protecting the rights of Black people, Indigenous Peoples and people of African descent to grow, access and use such plants and flora without extraction and depletion by industries […].”

This recommendation emphasizes the importance of protecting the rights of Indigenous communities to continue practicing their traditions without exploitation and depletion by large corporations. As a result, it is deeply aligned with the mission to integrate traditional medicines into society and preserve the cultures that cherish them.

The recognition by the United Nations of traditional plant medicine practices beyond Western medical paradigms opens a vital space for integrating ancestral knowledge into the societies of the Global North. Furthermore, it protects the right of these communities to cultivate and work with their plants to ensure the continuity of practices that are fundamental to preserving their identity. This in turn can create greater community cohesion and enhance well-being.

In addition, the recommendation to prevent the extraction and depletion of resources by large corporations directly addresses the power dynamics that often lead to the exploitation and dispossession of local communities’ natural resources. This approach promotes a more equitable and sustainable vision for development that respects the sovereignty of communities and their resources and territories. All of this is within the framework of the right to enjoy the highest possible level of physical and mental health.

The Special Rapporteur’s report represents a significant advance in the recognition of the cultural and medicinal rights of plant medicine. According to Dr. Constanza Sánchez Avilés, Director of Law, Policy and Human Rights at ICEERS, “These recommendations reinforce our commitment to protecting ethnobotanical practices and defending the rights of Indigenous communities, as well as much of the litigation work we have been doing to 

 who travel with their traditional medicines.”

“We will continue to work to integrate these practices into society in a fair and sustainable way, ensuring that global policies reflect and respect the richness and diversity of cultural traditions,” Constanza added.

ICEERS’ work focuses on developing a deeper understanding and greater acceptance of Traditional Indigenous Medicines. Our mission also advocates for policies that promote social justice and respect cultural diversity. This report by the United Nations not only validates our ongoing educational and community service efforts, but also provides a solid framework to continue advancing our mission.

The United Nations calls for the protection of traditional knowledge

Together with European elections, Slovenia voted last weekend on 4 consultative referendums, out of which 2 were related to cannabis. The voters convincingly supported the use of cannabis for medical purposes, while with regard to support for the use of cannabis for personal use, the result was closer.

The referendum questions were: Should Slovenia allow the cultivation and processing of cannabis for medical purposes on its territory? and Should Slovenia allow the cultivation and possession of cannabis for limited personal use on its territory?

According to the partial unofficial results of the consultative referendum (99.95 percent of the votes were counted), voters supported the use of cannabis for medical purposes with a two-thirds majority – 66,65% voted in favour while 33,35% were against.

Slovenia voted on cannabis cultivation and use

In a decision that shocked some observers, key advisers to the US Food and Drug Administration (FDA) voted that the effectiveness of 

Members of an independent scientific advisory committee voted 9 to 2 that human trials of MDMA did not prove its efficacy. They also voted 10 to 1 that the risks of MDMA, also known as ecstasy, outweigh its benefits. The FDA does not have to follow its advisory committee’s recommendations when deciding whether to approve a drug, but often does.

the difficulty of assessing psychedelic drugs

 and the FDA’s limited ability to evaluate psychiatric treatments. “It felt strange to vote no,” says committee member Satish Iyengar, a statistician at the University of Pittsburgh in Pennsylvania, given that 

. “There were just too many problems with it.”

The vote took place at a meeting on 4 June in Silver Spring, Maryland.

US: MDMA therapy for PTSD rejected by FDA panel

Hundreds of cannabis entrepreneurs, farmers and activists rallied in Bangkok and threatened legal action against the government as it pushes ahead with a plan to reclassify marijuana as a narcotic just two years after decriminalising it.

At Tuesday’s rally in front of the United Nations Economic and Social Commision for Asia and the Pacific headquarters in the capital, nearly 2,000 signatures were collected in support of a legal petition to stall the government’s move. Cannabis advocates held posters with messages like “stop villainising cannabis.”

The petition would be filed with the Central Administrative Court against Prime Minister Srettha Thavisin, said Jerawat Tanyaprirom, a cannabis business owner who collected the signatures. The forms required petitioners to specify any financial losses they would suffer if the government goes ahead with the u-turn.

Thailand: Cannabis supporters plan legal challenge of policy u-turn

Not enough voices are speaking out against Nigeria's recent approval of the death penalty for drug trafficking. As we gear up for the June 26th Global Day of Action, let's amplify our call for humane and evidence-based drug policies. Join us in condemning this harsh measure and advocating for justice.

Recently, the global conversation surrounding drug policy reform has gained momentum, with many countries advocating for a more humane and evidence-based approach. However, a recent development in Nigeria has sent shockwaves through the international community and threatens to set back progress in the fight against punitive drug policies. On May 9th 2024, the Nigerian Senate amended the National Drug Law Enforcement Agency (NDLEA) Act to include the death penalty for drug trafficking offences. This is not only a grave violation of human rights but also a stark reflection of the failure of draconian drug policies.

Condemning Nigeria's amendment of the NDLEA act: A violation of human rights and failed drug policy

How we think about, regulate, moralise or criminalise drugs is often not a response to domestic considerations, but a negotiation with global forces in an uneven international environment. Drug control in Lebanon is no exception to this rule. Its policies, since their inception, are the result of colonial and neo-colonial impositions and local resistance to these international impositions.

The colonial roots of drug policies are clear in Lebanon. The first drug control imperatives were introduced under the French mandate in the 1920s. In fact, the 1922 

 of the League of Nations that put Lebanon and Syria under French rule specifically mentions in article 12 that France will adhere, on behalf of the countries under its mandate, to conventions related to “drug trafficking” among other things.

The imposition of prohibitionist policies had to contend with the reality that 

 of Lebanon’s economy was reliant on cannabis. As a result of the decline of the silk industry in the early 20th century, many farmers resorted to cannabis cultivation, which had been part of the Lebanese agricultural landscape for centuries. French authorities were 

 by local politicians for prohibiting cannabis cultivation, which was a source of income for the villagers. Lacking power in the rural areas, and unwilling to alienate powerful landowners whose support they relied on, the French authorities resorted to a “

” implementation of drug policies, aimed at satisfying international requirements without ostracising domestic political forces.

The intersection of colonial impositions with local negotiations, resulting in performative drug control policies, would become the 

After its independence, Lebanon continued the French charade. After declaring that it would take drastic measures to curb hashish production during WWII, members of the British Security Mission who assisted Lebanese authorities 

 that they had to apply “considerable direct pressure . . . on a reluctant Gendarmerie” to get any action done.

The colonial legacy of drug control in Lebanon

 is a voluntary, anonymous survey run by the Agency and its partners. It is one of the Agency’s targeted ‘leading-edge’ monitoring methods and a key ingredient in the EMCDDA’s responsiveness to the ever-shifting drugs problem. Web-based surveys have the benefit of reaching people who use drugs directly. They are quick and relatively inexpensive, provide new data rapidly and can help spot emerging trends. If the same questions are used, along with a rigorous translation process, then these surveys can also allow for cross-national comparisons.

European Web Survey on Drugs: patterns of use

Ireland topped the EU table for drug deaths with more than four times the average number of fatalities, according to a new report by the EU drugs agency.

The European Drug Report 2024 shows that Ireland had 322 drug-induced deaths in 2020 — 97 deaths per million people, compared to the EU average of 22.5.

Ireland was ahead of Baltic and Nordic states, which, along with Ireland, traditionally have the highest rates. Estonia is in second place (95), followed by Norway (86).

Western European countries had far lower drug death rates than Ireland, including Germany (30), the Netherlands (26), Belgium (21), and Portugal (11).

the European Monitoring Centre for Drugs and Drug Addiction

 — expected later this year or early next year — is likely to be filled by far more powerful synthetic opioids such as nitazene which caused 

There have been record seizures of cocaine in the EU for the sixth year in a row, with 323 tonnes confiscated in 2022, compared to 303 tonnes in 2021;

There are growing concerns at the increasing strength of cannabis resin, the high-potency of cannabis extracts and edibles, including jellies, and the dangers posed by synthetic cannabinoids, the latter resulting in poisonings of children, including in Ireland.

Ireland is the worst EU country for drug deaths, suffering four times the average fatality rate 

President Cyril Ramaphosa has signed into law the Cannabis for Private Purposes Act (“CfPPA”). The CfPPA regulates the cultivation, possession, and use of cannabis by adults in a private setting.

The consequent regulatory reform enabled by the CfPPA will, amongst others, entirely remove cannabis from the Drugs and Drug Trafficking Act. This will further enable amendment of the Schedules to the Medicines and Related Substances Act and provide for targeted regulatory reform of the Plant Breeders Rights Act and the Plant Improvement Act, as well as other pieces of legislation that require amendment to allow for the industrialisation of the cannabis sector.

The Bill further guides the medically prescribed administration of cannabis to a child while also protecting children from undue exposure to cannabis. It provides for an alternative manner by which to address the issue of the prohibited use, possession of, or dealing in, cannabis by children, with due regard to the best interest of the child. It also prohibit the dealing in cannabis.

South African president assents to the Cannabis Private Purposes Bill

Data from the Mortality After Release from Incarceration Consortium (MARIC) study recorded 75 427 deaths. The all-cause crude mortality rates (CMR) during the first week following release (1612 [95% CI 1048–2287]) was higher than during all other time periods (incidence rate ratio [IRR] compared with week 2: 1·5 [95% CI 1·2–1·8], 

2=26·0%, weeks 3–4: 2·0 [1·5–2·6], 

2=53·0%, and weeks 9–12: 2·2 [1·6–3·0], 

The highest cause-specific mortality rates during the first week were due to alcohol and other drug poisoning (CMR 657 [95% CI 332–1076]), suicide (135 [36–277]), and cardiovascular disease (71 [16–153]). We observed considerable variation in cause-specific CMRs over time since release and across regions. Pooled all-cause CMRs were similar between males (731 [95% CI 630–839]) and females (660 [560–767]) and were higher in older age groups.

The markedly elevated rate of death in the first week post-release underscores an urgent need for investment in evidence-based, coordinated transitional healthcare, including treatment for mental illness and substance use disorders to prevent post-release deaths due to suicide and overdose. Temporal variations in rates and causes of death highlight the need for routine monitoring of post-release mortality.

 to read the full article (restricted access)

Rates and causes of death after release from incarceration among 1 471 526 people in eight high-income and middle-income countries: an individual participant data meta-analysis