The drug phenomenon in Central America

News

The drug phenomenon in Central America

28 May 2014

By Giselle Amador Muñoz. Executive Director of the Costa Rican Association for Drug Study and Intervention (ACEID)

In recent decades, the War on Drugs developed mainly in Colombia and then spread to Mexico. The results of this repressive strategy have not been good, despite the economic costs and losses of human life that have occurred. As a result, we can consider it a failed war.

In recent years, the conflict has moved to Central America, which now sees itself thrown to the front line of drug trade and as a victim of large criminal organizations and the violence associated with this illegal business.

U.S. sources reported in 2012 that about 80 percent of the cocaine destined for the United States passed through the isthmus. The "International Narcotics Control Strategy 2014” (INCSR) of the State Department report estimates that about 86 percent of the cocaine smuggled into the United States in the first half of 2013 , moved first through the corridor between Mexico and Central America, surpassing the previous year's figures .

Guatemalan authorities reported the total number of drug seizures during the first nine months of 2013, which corresponded to a 330 percent increase compared to 2012. El Salvador seized 664 kilos of cocaine during the first 10 months of 2013, twice the size of the same period of time in 2012. Costa Rica seized 19.67 tons of cocaine in 2013, an increase from the 14.73 tons seized in 2012. Panama also experienced a 20.6 percent increase in cocaine seizures, from 34 tons in 2012 to 41 tons in 2013.

The impact of this route change causes an exponential increase in violence. The homicide rate in Guatemala doubled in the last decade. The government estimates that about two-fifths of the murders are linked to the drug trade. Even in Panama, a wealthy country in comparison to others in Central American, the homicide rate has nearly doubled in the last three years.

Outside of the loss of citizens’ lives, insecurity also carries a high economic cost. According to a report released by the World Bank in 2012, crime and violence cost Central America around 8% of its GDP. It also stressed that if it were possible to reduce the murder rate by 10 % in the most violent countries of the region, the growth per capita could raise up to 1% per year. It noted as well that the costs associated with security are equivalent to 4 % of private business sales.

Of the strategies aimed at solving the problems, one was the Merida Plan (which was part of a financial package offered by the Government of the United States) within the framework of the Central American Integration System (SICA from its Spanish acronym – Sistema de la Integración Centroamericana) and was meant to fight drugs and crime. The strategies purposes were to provide funds for equipment, training and technical assistance to support operations of law enforcement and interdiction to the seven Central American countries, but they have not provided positive results neither in reducing the supply of drugs nor in reducing the demand.

U.S. aid to Central American security forces for drug control has increased steadily through the Central America Regional Security Initiative (CARSI). Since its inception, there have been numerous U.S. agencies in Central American territory. Canada’s operating forces are also involved in anti-drug operations that take place in the Caribbean Sea and the eastern Pacific.

The problems with the warrior strategy arise from militarization and military engagement in mere police tasks. The fight against crime, allegedly linked to drug trafficking, regresses back to the previous scheme, and is typical of the civil wars in Central America which took place during the seventies and eighties. The armies commit human rights violations, in part due to a lack of skills in these tasks. This is particularly disturbing in a region in which the armies’ historical backgrounds are not exactly a flawless display of respect for human dignity. This situation is even more difficult when you consider that the Human Development indicators in the countries, with the exception of Costa Rica and Panama, are below the Latin American average.

Costa Rica, although in much smaller proportions, is no exception. In recent years, the number of small and rural farmers, people engaged in micro-sales (mainly women living in poverty stricken conditions and street inhabitants with drug dependence), "mules", and internal and external drug runners has increased alarmingly. The vast majority of these people are in a position of social vulnerability, can’t meet their basic needs, have little education, and live in marginalized communities.

Another problem detected in Central America is the equalization made by the government and community of phenomenon like narcotics trafficking with other problems like common crime, and the conformation of maras and gangs. This equalization prevents the implementation of differentiated public policies to address each type of phenomenon. When a social conflict is defined as a war, it follows that the predominant response be that of the military and the police.

A final strategy to mitigate the impact of drug trafficking and other forms of crime focuses on institutional strengthening in the regional countries. This is particularly important in the judicial system and police forces, which remain the weakest in the hemisphere. However, the institutional strengthening reforms are strategies for the medium and long run. In the short term, viable dispositions are needed, such as studying the causes of this violence and proposing solutions according to these determinant factors.

As stated by the International Drug Policy Consortium (IDPC), high levels of violence are confronted in Central America. The agencies responsible for law enforcement should consider the adoption of focused deterrence strategies and selective action designed to reduce it. Further, they should promote development rather than attempting to stop the flow of drugs into the United States and Europe.

However, unlike other countries on the continent and in the world, the Central American Region has not fully integrated into the Drug Policy reform. Although the president of Guatemala, since the beginning of his administration, has repeated in various international forums that he is open to change in drug control strategies, it was not until the 31st of January this year that the National Drug Policy Reform Commission was implemented in Guatemala. It consists of government and civil society authorities whose aim is to establish a plan of action to fulfill international commitments made by the Central American country, and to generate alternatives to the plans made so far. The composition of this Commission is a response to the declaration of Antigua Guatemala from the 43rd General Assembly of the Organization of American States (OAS), held in June 2013.

In Costa Rica, this discussion has not yet started however; President Laura Chinchilla Miranda expressed the need for policy change to address the drug phenomenon in various international forums in the OAS and the United Nations. In spite of this, the country has a strong tradition of its institutions guaranteeing public health and respect for human rights. Furthermore, drug use has been decriminalized since the late eighties, and treatment opportunities are offered to whoever requests it.

Civil society’s participation in the definition of drug policy is poor in most countries. Associations and NGOs mainly deal with the treatment and rehabilitation of people with drug abuse problems, and in some cases are associated with prevention programs, leaving to the side the reflections on the unfortunate effects of national and international policies. Reports and resolutions issued by the OAS are virtually unknown because they have not been passed on to officials who attend these meetings.

In addition, states have failed to ensure an active debate on drug policy issues in regional forums as well meetings of the president, the Ministers of Safety and Health, and other multilateral bodies operating in the isthmus.

The 5th Latin American and 1st Central American Conference on Drug Policy will serve as a forum for analysis and reflection with the participation of public, religious, and educational institutions as well as professional bodies in conjunction with other sectors of civil society. It will promote the start of urgent dialogue to achieve change in the drug policies that, in most cases, have produced few benefits in the region.